1. This IEC recognises the analysis of the CWI, that capitalism
is passing through an historical phase of a depressionary character
has been vindicated. The sluggish performance of the world economy,
during the last few years does not negate our characterisation
of this period which followed the mid 1970s. This analysis has
been confirmed by the clear emergence of the following trends
internationally: i)The development of structural mass unemployment
in both the industrialised imperialist countries and in former
colonial nations. ii) Growing social polarisation within the
industrialised
capitalist nations. iii) Increased exploitation/domination of
the former colonial countries by the major imperialist countries.
iv) Increased social polarisation within the countries of the
former colonial world.
2. This analysis was decisive in enabling our organisation to
answer the propaganda of the bourgeois and its representatives
in the workers movement who, after the collapse of the Stalinist
regimes in 1989/90, put forward a perspective of renewed capitalist
development and expansion. This idea has been proved to be false.
A detailed analysis of the current conjuncture in the economic
cycle will be presented verbally and provided in other written
material following this meeting of the IEC. Capitalism is in a
period of organic crisis marked by economic turbulence and social
upheaval. This must be the starting point for our analysis of
the current situation and the tasks we have to fulfil.
3. The character of the historical period has been illustrated
by the massive protests, strikes and uprisings which have rocked
Latin America since 1993 in opposition to the effects of
"neo-liberal"
policies which have been implemented by each government. It has
also been reflected in the strikes against privatisation by bus
workers in India, electrical workers in Sri Lanka and health workers
in Pakistan are a further indication of the mood which is developing
amongst big layers of workers. The demonstration of 350,000 in
Canada against cuts in public expenditure (Toronto in October
1996) was one of the biggest demonstrations in Canada since the
end of the second world war. The recent movements of workers,
youth and other layers in Europe, especially those in Germany,
Belgium, France, Spain and Italy are a further indication of the
upheavals pending in the short term in various countries.
4. In these areas, and some others, there has been an evident
entry into the arena of struggle by important sections of workers
and youth. These revivals in the struggles of the masses illustrate
a certain point of departure in the post 1989 situation. They
enable us to deepen our perspective and understanding of the exact
nature of the tasks we have in this historical period. The broad
perspectives we outlined at the world congress in 1993, of the
character of the period and inevitable social upheavals and conflict,
have generally been confirmed. At the same time all perspectives
are a working hypothesis which need to be added to and amended
In the light of events and experience. Since the international congress
the world situation has changed and some processes have developed
further than at that time. This has enabled us to add to our analysis
and assess the necessary tactics and tasks.
5. The collapse of the former Stalinist regimes has had a decisive
effect for all classes in society. All of the exact consequences
of this turning point in world history could not have been foreseen
in detail at the time of the world congress. It has therefore
been necessary to add to our initial prognosis in the light of
events and during the living experience of the class struggle.
This was particularly necessary on issues relating to the traditional
workers parties and their class character, and the perspective
for the emergence of new workers' formations. Related to these
two issues is also the effect of the consequences of the collapse
of the former Stalinist regimes on the consciousness of the
proletariat.
This question is one of the central issues confronting our
international
organisation at the present moment.
6. The CWI needs great care when discussing such issues. It is
a mistake to rush to draw too hasty generalised conclusions which
can be applied to all countries in exactly the same way. There
are important differences in the tradition and rhythm of events
in each country. It is also important to remember that the
experiences
of workers in one country can also assist workers in other countries
to draw more advanced conclusions. However, there have been important
trends, which whilst only being present in outline at the time
of the world congress, have since developed much further.
7. Our international has gained precious experience from the
audacious
initiatives we have taken since 1992. (This has especially been
the case with the launching of the YRE and open independent
organisations).
This has presented a clearer picture of the panorama before us
and the new tasks confronting the working class and our own
organisation.
The IEC and all our sections need to compile a balance sheet of
the political situation which has emerged since 1989 in order
to answer the question Through which stage are we passing and
what tasks do we have?
8. The process of the bourgeoisification of the former traditional
parties of the proletariat has developed rapidly since our last
world congress. The swing to the right
by the leadership of these parties and the change in the attitude
of the proletariat towards them has reached the point where the
class character of these formations has been transformed. They
have become, or possibly in some cases are in the process of rapidly
becoming, bourgeois parties. In many sections this has had a direct
bearing on our slogans, tactics and some aspects of our programme.
9. In this context, many of our sections have raised the demand
as a general slogan for the establishment of new workers' parties.
This has been correct and should be maintained as a part of our
programme. In raising this demand it was also correct for us to
emphasise the question of building our own revolutionary
organisation.
However, we also need to distinguish between the demands we put
forward and the question of perspectives.
10. The formation of new broad parties of the working class has
proved to be a complicated and, in most countries, a protracted
process. There are vast differences which exist between the different
new formations which have recently been established in various
countries. We must avoid making false international generalisations
where they do not apply. However, those which have been formed
have shifted rapidly to the right. With the exception of the RC
in Italy, they fail to present even a reformist policy. They have
tended to be associated with defending public services and opposing
the "neo-liberal" measures which have been implemented.
However, they have failed to oppose capitalism and support or
champion the alternative of socialism. This has been clearly seen
in the New Labour Party (NLP) in New Zealand and Democratic Social
Movement (DIKKI) in Greece. (The latter split from PASOK. Whilst
being identified as standing to the "left" of PASOK
it has largely put forward a policy of Greek nationalism). This
swing to the right has also taken place in those already existing
parties on the left with a Stalinist/CP history or base such as
the Left Party in Sweden, the PDS in Germany and the Izquierda
Unida (I) in Spain.
11. The internationalisation of the world economy and the crisis
within capitalism has meant that there is no room for reformism
at this stage. As we have explained in other material the demands
of the world economic situation which have prevented the adoption
of reformist policies in individual countries. For this reason
all governments in the recent period have adopted a neoliberal
programme. This process is reflected by the failure of these new
formations in the main to adopt even "left" or reformist
ideas. Only the adoption of a programme tor the socialist
transformation
of society can break the domination of the world economy and the
policies that it currently demands from all national governments.
The leaderships of these newer formations have not been prepared
to do this.
12. This situation is a feature of the current conjuncture and
can change during a different world economic and political situation.
For example during a world slump, different policies can be adopted,
especially under the pressure of a mass movement by the working
class. Temporary concessions can be given to the masses which
will then rapidly be taken away again. New political formations
of the working class will develop at a certain stage which will
put forward reformist ideas. These can win massive support and
for a period illusions will exist in them. However, there is no
prospect of a return to a prolonged period of reforms which
capitalism
could afford and conceded for decades following the second world
war.
13. The failure of the recently formed parties to offer a clear,
combative alternative to capitalism has meant that they have had
an extremely fragile basis. Whilst some, such as the NLP, initially
attracted important layers of workers and youth around them, they
have failed to consolidate it into active party membership. In
Britain the SLP has failed to attract more than a handful of members
because of the Stalinist and sectarian methods used by its leader,
Scargill. These usually are former members of the Labour or Communist
Parties and in some cases supporters of various revolutionary
organisations.
14. Despite this, some of these parties have attracted a certain
electoral support in recent elections. Where such formations do
attract an important layer of workers and youth we must be ready
to orientate towards them. At the same time we must also raise
our own independent banner. Those that have been formed so far
have been extremely unstable and lack an assured future existence.
The RC in Italy is an exceptional case at this stage. It may still
develop further by presenting a more combative programme and
organising
mass mobilisations. However, should it not build in this way and
fails to distance itself from policies of the Prodi government
it could also begin to see its base eroded.
15. This same process has also been manifested in some countries
of the former colonial world. For example, the PRD in Mexico has
remained as a bourgeois formation and increasingly adopted a more
right-wing policy.
16. These developments have highlighted a striking feature of
the international situation. There exists a massive
political vacuum. There is an accumulating opposition and hatred
towards the existing political parties and institutions. This
attitude has developed amongst workers and important sections
of the middle class to the bourgeois parties. It is increasingly
also the attitude adopted towards the former workers' parties,
especially when they have recently been in government. At the
same time new political formations have not generally been formed
which have the trust, confidence and active participation of the
working class. (With the exception of the RC).
17. The alternative of socialism is not being presented anywhere
to workers and youth at the moment. In some countries this vacuum
has been filled by an electoral growth of the extreme right-wing
formations such as the FPO in Austria. Here, like the FN in France,
they have demagogically concentrated their propaganda against
the EU, highlighting the social issues of poverty and unemployment
and attacking the established political parties both
"right"
and "left".
18. The existence of this political vacuum has been evident in
all the major mass mobilisations which have taken place recently.
They have also shown the dual character of the consciousness which
exists amongst the mass of the working class and youth. Firstly,
there exists a tremendous bitterness and hatred towards the ruling
class and the institutions of the "establishment". In
general there is no trust or confidence in the existing parties'
leaders and policies which are being pursued by them. Secondly,
an alternative programme and/or system is not present in the
consciousness
of the masses who have participated in these movements. In general,
on a world scale, a broad socialist consciousness is not present
at the moment.
19. The absence of a broad socialist consciousness has been reflected
in the recent upheaval which rocked Belgian society. This movement
reflected the overwhelming opposition to the establishment and
disgust with the present system. The slogan of our Belgian section,
"The system is rotten to the bone" received a very
enthusiastic
reception for this reason. An important feature of this movement
was the decisive role played by the industrial working class which,
as indicated by the first strike at a Volkswagen factory,
initiated the mass movement which erupted.
20. At the same time the national demonstration (20th October
1996) against the government took place under a cluster of white
balloons rather than red flags and banners There was no alternative
which was presented by either the former workers' parties or trade
union leaders. In the past although these organisation offered
no real alternative they were perceived as doing so by the mass
of workers. In the recent movement in Belgium there was no organised
opposition through which the movement could be channelled in a
directly political manner.
21. The sanitation of this revolt was further facilitated by the
nature of the issues involved - corruption and child abuse - which
was used by the government, political and trade union leaders
to derail the movement and prevent it developing onto broader
social and political questions. Our section intervened well and
presented an alternative but it encountered some difficulties
in the interventions and in winning concrete support.
22. However, this movement did emphasise the underlying opposition
to the government and even the existing system. It can now open
the way for further mobilisations and struggles on the broader
social and class issues especially against the social cuts being
proposed by the government. This was reflected by the very successful
one day general strike against cuts called by the FGTB.
22. This type of movement offers us big opportunities which we
must seize hold of. At the same time the absence of an alternative
will create limitations as to how far such movements will develop
in the short to medium term. This was evident during the French
events in 1995/ 1996. This movement acquired tremendous breadth
and scope. In some of the regions the demonstrations were bigger
than during 1968. It had very important repercussions internationally
in raising the confidence of workers. But it did not go as far
as events did in 1968.
23. Firstly, the leadership was able to hold back a movement of
the industrial workers in the private sector. Secondly, the
consciousness
of the masses, and even of some of the activists, was not as
developed
as it was in the general strike of 1968. This was the case terms
of a broad socialist understanding. It also applied to the question
of state power. In 1995/6 it was generally not seen to be posed.
It is true that a layer did sing the 'Internationale' and a
revolutionary
minority existed. However, the complications of the present period
are reflected by the failure of any of the left/revolutionary
organisation to grow substantially as a direct result of the events
of 1995/6.
24. The absence of the subjective factor was clearly decisive
in this movement. The masses did not even look towards the formation
of a PSF/ PC government as an alternative. This reflects the change
in attitude towards the old workers parties, especially the PSF, by
the working class
and youth. It demonstrates the need for a new party of the working
class to be built. It also meant that during this movement an
alternative to the existing right-wing government was not seen
to be present.
25. It is essential that we emphasise that this wave of struggle
has opened up a new situation which has already resulted in an
increase in the number of activists in and around the trade unions.
A broader layer of workers and youth have also been stimulated
to begin to look for an alternative. This first crucial round
of struggle represents the beginning of a revival of the workers'
movement.
26. In Germany, the outbreak of strikes since 1992 in both the
public and private sector has marked a decisive entry of the powerful
German working class into the arena of struggle. This, we emphasised
in discussions at the world congress in 1993, would be one of
the features of the decade of the 1990s. These strikes have been
characterised by a wave of industrial militancy, anger and bitterness
against both the employers and the government. There is a markedly
different consciousness in Eastern and Western Germany. In the
East, socialism is present in the consciousness of workers to
a greater extent, although, it is probably more associated with
the provision of jobs and social services rather than with the
idea of a planned economy. In Western Germany it is largely absent
at this moment from the consciousness of the mass of workers.
27. In pointing out these features of the period, the ISI EC is
not drawing pessimistic conclusions or loosing confidence in the
decisive role of the working class. Neither is the CWI
underestimating
the prospects building genuine revolutionary forces in this period.
The working class is beginning to reassert itself after a period
of disorientation and confusion. There are big opportunities opening
up to win support for Marxist ideas and our programme. In order
to realise these possibilities it is necessary for the CWI accurately
to assess the real situation. ]f this is not done then it will
not be possible to develop the right tactics, slogans and methods
necessary to build genuine revolutionary group/ parties in this
new historical period which has unfolded since the collapse of
the former Stalinist regimes.
28. During the period which followed the collapse of the former
Stalinist regimes, internationally the consciousness of the working
class, including its active layer, has been disorientated and
thrown back. This is seen to be the case if the situation is compared
with the preceding decades of the 1 970s and early 1 980s. These
recent movements represent the first stages in struggles which,
together with the intervention of conscious Marxists, will eventually
allow a broad socialist consciousness to be reconquered. This
current complication in the situation in the longer term will
mean more favourable conditions for the working class in the sense
that former obstacles e.g. the ideas and organisations of Stalinism
and traditional Social Democracy - have been removed or at least
fundamentally weakened.
29. The evolution of the alternative ideas of socialism amongst
the mass of workers will inevitably pass through a series of stages
and numerous struggles. It is important that we do not underestimate
the decisive role that the intervention of conscious Marxists
can and will have in this process. The exact rhythm this process
will assume will be different in different countries.
30. The recent battles which have unfolded have largely been against
the effects of the "neo-liberal" policies implemented
by the ruling class. In some countries this has gone alongside
demands for greater "democracy" and/ or
"justice".
This has even been the case in Latin America where the wave of
struggle since 1993 has been on of the most combative and extensive
internationally. The consciousness of workers is likely to be
initially directed against government policies and then become
more overtly anti-capitalist before it assumes a clearly
pro-socialist
character. The emergence of a clearer socialist consciousness
is likely to be a factor in the creation of new political formations
of the working class. This is particularly the case in countries
like France, Spain and Greece because of the traditions of the
working class. In other countries new formations can be established
at a certain stage which do not immediately assume a socialist
character.
31. The idea of socialism as an alternative to capitalism will
develop more rapidly as the international experiences of the working
class are accumulated. As the CWI has emphasised, one of the features
of this period has been the heightened international consciousness
which has developed. This can apply to the political conclusions
workers draw from their experiences as well as the practical lessons
of their struggles.
32. The CWI has a decisive role to play in assisting in the process
of reconquering the idea of socialism as an alternative system to
capitalism.
When taken together with the
vacuum which exists and the social upheavals that are developing,
fulfilling this task will offer us big opportunities to build
powerful groups and small parties. To do this the sections of
the CWI must find a road to those workers and youth who are moving
into struggle and looking for an alternative.
33. There are many differences between all the continents and,
within them, the various countries. The exact scale of the
opportunities
presented varies with the concrete objective and subjective
conditions
which exist. Some countries such as Sweden are passing through
a particularly favourable conjuncture. There is a radicalisation
in that society which, for the first time in the post second world
war period, has been affected by a serious structural crisis in
capitalism. Our Swedish section has been able to capitalise on
this situation by taking bold initiatives and conducting a campaign
to build the party.
34. A favourable development has also opened up for our section
in Ireland (South) which has enabled it to take important steps
forward even in the short time since the relaunching of our
organisation
under the new name 'The Socialist Party'. This has reflected a
radicalisation amongst an important layer. It has followed the
tremendous struggle we led in opposition to the imposition of
water charges. Our marvellous result in the Dublin West bye-election
and the prospect of an electoral victory in the forthcoming general
election have been important factors which have enabled our comrades
to increase our support and membership in recent months.
35. In Southern Ireland we have been able partially to fill the
vacuum which has opened up. This opportunity will present itself
to us in numerous countries during the next few years. An indication
of this has also been shown in the dramatic growth of our section
in Pakistan in the last two years. Our comrades have been able
to act as a pole of attraction to important sections of the working
class such as the railway workers. We have also been able to reach
thousands of peasants with our ideas and programme. Here, we have
the perspective of developing into a party of a few thousand in
the short term. During such a period our sections will also have
to overcome complexities in the objective situation which can
arise. This is indicated in Pakistan where we have to confront
such issues as Islamic Fundamentalism.
36. In some countries of the former colonial world, especially
in Africa, there has even been a tendency towards the disintegration
of society. This has included a heightening of sectarian, ethnic
and/or religious conflicts. These developments represent the extreme
crisis of capitalism in these regions and the general absence
of the subjective factor. In the industrially developed countries
these features are not generally as pronounced at this stage.
However, the growth of racism and/or ethnic, religious and other
conflicts can also be reflected in these countries at certain
stages in the situation such as after setback for the working
class.
37. The short term perspective for the building of the CWI varies
enormously from country to country. Some sections have recently
had to confront a more complex and difficult objective situation
than others. This has resulted in our overall forces in these
countries being static or even being pushed back. The British
section has confronted a particularly complicated objective situation
which has been "out of joint" with the general revival
of struggle by workers in many European countries.
38. This situation will change with the probable defeat of the
government at the forthcoming general election. The election of
a Labour government will open the perspective of big social
explosions.
The social conditions which have developed in British society
during the last 15 years have prepared the terrain for a big backlash
by the working class and oppressed layers after a series of defeats
at the hands of the Tories. The British section is thus positioning
and preparing itself for this change in the situation. As with
other sections, with the opening of a more favourable situation
if we prepare our forces correctly we can more than make up the
losses of recent years.
39. Other sections, such as Sri Lanka, Nigeria or Chile have also
had to confront more complicated and difficult objective conditions.
This has undoubtedly been a factor which has impaired our ability
to make more progress in building our forces. In recognising these
difficulties we must guard against seeking refuge in the objective
situation and rationalising the situation. Our task in all situations
is to strive to gain the maximum that is possible and in doing
so ensure that we prepare our forces for a more favourable objective
conjuncture. Even in these countries it is possible to build and
strengthen our forces. The reputation and influence we have already
conquered in Nigeria, Sri Lanka and other countries will provide
us with a good basis to seize the new opportunities as they present
themselves.
40. Every section needs to examine its methods of recruitment.
Experience of the recent period has shown that is our political
initiatives, campaigns and interventions in the struggle which
gives us the basis for new recruits. Fresh layers and fighters
will be convinced of to join us on the basis of our campaigns
and local initiatives. We should be constantly testing the water
through direct and bold recruitment of these layers. There is
no contradiction between building alliances in broad campaigns
and building and promoting our own party/organisation. Each campaign
needs clear targets and objectives. These must be broken down
so that all members are included in the struggle to achieve them
and they need to begin with clear targets being set for the leading
bodies and members of each section.
41. The IEC agrees that the CWI sections in Europe support the
initiative of calling European demonstrations against unemployment
which will culminate in a march on June 14th in Amsterdam. The
sections of the CWI in countries where demonstrations are being
organised are urged to build support this initiative and ensure
that through it the influence and forces of the CWI are strengthened.
42. In many countries, such as Greece, it has been necessary to
work alongside young people and organise a series of lengthy
discussions
with them before they have been prepared to agree to join. This
undoubtedly reflects the scepticism which exists towards all
political
groups/ parties. It can even be demonstrated in the initial attitude
this new generation adopts towards Marxist organisations. Under
such conditions there is no alternative but to win the confidence
and trust of the contacts involved before they are prepared to
commit themselves to membership.
43. This process can especially affect the smaller sections of
the CWI at this stage. Convincing young contacts to join a small
group of 10/20 or even 50/100 requires determined work and patient
explanation of our ideas. In part this reflects the issue of the
consciousness which exists in many countries at the moment. They
are entering the struggle against the effects of capitalist society
Ol1 particular issues without an idea of what the alternative
is. They can consequently be very hesitant about committing
themselves
to join an organisation, especially if is very small and does
not immediately appear as a viable vehicle through which a struggle
can be conducted. For our larger parties/groups this can be less
of an obstacle because of our ability to be seen as a viable force
through which struggles can be channelled. Our interventions are
more widespread and effective.
44. Some sections have found it easier to recruit as a more
favourable
situation has developed. However, because of the basis on which
new members have joined, it is necessary to ensure that basic
political education is planned out over quite a lengthy period.
It is of decisive importance that we devote more attention to
the education of newer members. In particular it is important
that emphasis is given to educating comrades in the basic history,
methods and ideas of the working class and Marxism. Special measures
are also needed which will include the production of new and basic
material explaining for example, "What is Socialism",
"How Capitalism Works" and the history of the workers
movement in different countries.
45. The generalised absence of a socialist consciousness does
not mean that we cannot recruit and build. On the contrary, the
IS/IEC emphasises that with the vacuum which exists in some countries
we can build substantial forces and parties in the next few years.
However, many, or even the majority of, new recruits will come
into our ranks as "fighters" and not as conscious Marxists
or even socialists. This has already been the experience of some
sections e.g. in southern Ireland, Sweden and elsewhere.
47. The concrete steps we take in each section will vary depending
on the specific situation - both objective and subjective - which
we face. If we build correctly in this way it will not mean that
there is an ideological watering down of our organisation. We
must ensure that the cadre of our sections is maintained, developed
and strengthened. At the same time there will inevitably be a
layer who come into our ranks which initially lacks the same
political
and organisational commitment. We must take every step possible
to develop within this new layer a thirst for our political
understanding
and to give them a grasp of our organisational methods.
4X. We must strive to build upon an initial level of commitment
through raising the political understanding about our ideas and
programme. Whilst accepting a lower level of commitment in many
cases, we must strive to select the most promising of these new
members and strengthen their commitment and activity: To begin
with layers of these new members may only be prepared to pay a
sub, take the paper and attend meetings fortnightly or monthly.
49. The sections working in the former colonial world encounter
different problems which require specific discussion on questions
relating to the organisation of our forces. In developed
industrialised
countries when confronting this situation our sections must ensure
that the branches continue to meet weekly, even if it is the more
active
and/or developed comrades which attend. We must ensure that the
initially lower level of commitment of the newer members does
not become the norm for the more active and developed comrades.
50. The recent period has required each section to develop new
tactics and initiatives. Many sections have seen the membership
transformed. The older layer has largely been worn out and/or
unable to come to terms with the demands of the new situation
and the tasks which flow from them. Many sections have a relatively
new and very young membership. Under such conditions important
and necessary aspects of our tradition, both politically and
organisationally,
can be lost. It is essential that we ensure the new layers we
recruit are trained in our methods of organisation. The IS urges
the leadership of the national sections to examine if it is necessary
to "tighten up" on basic organisational issues of finance
and party building. Without this being attended to we will not
integrate and develop the new generation to which we must now
turn.
51. The CWI and its sections have a decisive role to play in the
coming years. We must ensure that we are prepared politically
and organisationally to fulfil the tasks and responsibilities
we have.
This statement is adopted by the International Executive
Committee in November 1996.
CWI,The character of the period
A New Wave of Struggles.
Perspectives Since the World Congress.
The Former Workers' Parties and New
Formations.
The Vacuum Which Exists.
France and Belgium - What Lessons?
Industrial Struggles in Germany.
A Question of Consciousness And Socialism.
The CWI.
Building The Forces Of The CWI.
The character of the period.
A New Wave of Struggles.
Perspectives Since the World Congress.
The Former Workers' Parties and New Formations.
The Vacuum Which Exists.
France and Belgium - What Lessons?
Industrial Struggles in Germany.
A Question of Consciousness And Socialism.
The CWI.
Building The Forces Of The CWI.
PO Box 3688,
London,
E9 SQX.
E/Mail: inter@dircon.co.uk
Tel: 00 44 181 5330201
Fax: 00 44 181 985 0757